Monday, August 30, 2010

A Mosque Here And There

A Mosque Here And There

By Gautam Adhikari

Aug 31, 2010

Another mosque, another time, another argumentative democracy. In the US, a dispute has erupted over a proposal to build a mosque; in India, 18 years ago it was about tearing one down. A controversial issue in both cases is: Which central idea forms the essence of any multi-ethnic, multi-religious nation? Must such a society uphold a particular culture that defines the core values of the nation? Or, must it not merely tolerate diverse cultures, but actually celebrate diversity as a defining value?

In December 1992, a band of Hindu militants destroyed an old mosque in Ayodhya, the Babri masjid. Bloody riots broke out between the two communities in several towns, chaos engulfed the nation for days and a fierce argument ensued over what we should understand by the idea of India.

There were those who argued that with the partition of India in 1947 and the establishment of the Islamic nation of Pakistan, specifically created as a homeland for the subcontinent's Muslims, the republic of India was free to become a nation primarily for Hindus, with its core values including tolerance and secularism embedded in ancient tradition. In this view, the demolition of the mosque had been a symbolic act to re-establish Hindu primacy in a nation long misled by "pseudo-secularists".

And there were those of us who countered by pointing out that India was imagined by its founding fathers to be what Pakistan was not. It would be a multi-ethnic, multi-religious, democratic republic, in which a carefully crafted Constitution would guarantee freedom of expression and freedom of religion. The argument continues with the Allahabad high court weighing in with its judgement on Babri masjid.

It is a complex debate, not least because the idea of a diverse, multi-religious democracy is a modern concept incorporated legally, and in writing for the first time, in the American Constitution as updated in 1791 with a Bill of Rights. The framers of India's Constitution studied the US Constitution closely and inserted similar fundamental rights in our document. Those rights have ensured for every citizen the right to be different from every other citizen, and in what we can say or do and in pursuit of religion.

Although on the surface the argument over the proposed Islamic cultural centre in Lower Manhattan is over protecting citizens' constitutional rights versus the raw emotions of those who see it as an affront to the memory of victims of 9/11, the issue is larger. Lurking in the strands of the debate are key questions: What does it mean to be an American today? Is it enough to swear to uphold the Constitution, to enjoy all legally guaranteed freedoms, and to lead life any way you please within the generous limits outlined in the Constitution? Or is it also necessary for all citizens to defer to the preferences and habits of a dominant culture, which is Protestant Christian or, as commonly described nowadays, Judeo-Christian?

The argument has been on for a while. When Irish Catholics began to migrate to the US in large numbers they were not initially welcomed with open arms. It took decades before Catholics could become fully accepted within the mainstream. Ditto for the Japanese; and for the Jewish migrants who escaped European intolerance for a more hospitable society but had to wait a few decades of uneasy coexistence with devout Christians before the term Judeo-Christian could become the preferred way to describe Euro-American civilisation. Hispanic migrants today may be Christian but to many they are the Other.

For Muslims of all hues the case has become immensely more complicated post-9/11. On one hand, they are asked to prove their moderate credentials and condemn the jihadi radicalism of a few. On the other, they are greeted with fury when reformers, like Imam Feisal Rauf, want to set up a cultural centre that will encourage interfaith dialogue, promote moderate Islam and will have a prayer room because it is two blocks away from Ground Zero. A majority of Americans don't want the centre there. They somehow hold, even as they say they don't, the entire Muslim community responsible for 9/11.

The idea of America, like the idea of India, remains a work in progress. For many Americans, national identity is synonymous with a cultural identity; for others, multicultural coexistence forms the essence of American nationalism. But to gain an insight into what the idea of America was to those who founded the nation, we could study the far-sighted spirit embodied in the Bill of Rights. With its guarantee of free speech and the separation of religious preferences from the conduct of public affairs, the US Constitution offers a fine set of principles by which to live in a diverse and rapidly evolving world.

Those who dreamt up the vision of America found no contradiction in endorsing tolerance while remaining true to their faith. Wrote Thomas Paine in his 1776 pamphlet 'Common Sense': "I fully and conscientiously believe, that it is the will of the Almighty, that there should be diversity of religious opinions among us: It affords a larger field for our Christian kindness." Today, going by nationwide opinion polls, American common sense seems surprisingly reluctant to accept such ideas.

Source: Times of India


--
Asadullah Syed

Friday, August 27, 2010


رہبر انقلاب اسلامی کی قیامگاہ پر حضرت سبط اکبر امام حسن (ع) کی محفل میلاد / با تصویر

 
فرزند رسول حضرت امام حسن مجتبی علیہ السلام کے یوم ولادت با سعادت کے موقع پر رہبر انقلاب اسلامی کی قیام گاہ پر محفل کا انعقاد کیا گیا۔ اطلاعات کے مطابق کل رات رہبر انقلاب اسلامی حضرت آیت اللہ العظمی سید علی خامنہ ای کی قیام گاہ پر ہونے والی اس محفل میں چوٹی کے شعراء کرام اور ادبا کی ایک بڑی تعداد نے شرکت کی ۔


 

رہبر انقلاب اسلامی کی قیامگاہ پر حضرت سبط اکبر امام حسن (ع) کی محفل میلاد / با تصویر

رہبر انقلاب اسلامی کے قیامگاہ پر ہونے والی جشن کی اس محفل میں شعرا کرام نے اور فرزند رسول حضرت امام حسن مجتبی علیہ السلام کو منظوم نذرانہ عقیدت پیش کیا جسے حاضرین نے سراہا اس موقع پر رہبر انقلاب اسلامی کے اپنے خطاب میں ذوق شعری کو نعمت اور عطیہ الہی سے تعبیر کیا اور فرمایا کہ اس نعمت کا دوسری ظاہری نعمتوں سے موازنہ نہیں کیا جا سکتا ۔
رہبر انقلاب اسلامی نے ایران میں شعری ارتقا کو دیگر فنون کی ترقی و پیشرفت کا باعث قرار دیا اور فرمایا کہ شعر فن کے میدان میں زیادہ توانائی اور گہری استعداد رکھتا ہے ۔ رہبر انقلاب اسلامی نے اپنے خطاب میں اسلامی انقلاب کے بعد کی تاریخ پر ایک سرسری نگاہ ڈالی اور ایران کے سیاسی و سماجی حالات نیز مختلف حکومتوں کے اقتدار و زوال کی طرف اشارہ کرتے ہوئے فرمایا اس تمام تر عرصے کے دوران کسی بھی دور میں ملت ایران نے اپنے اردگرد کھڑے کردہ حصاروں کو اس انداز میں کبھی نہیں توڑا اور نہ کبھی اس طرح سربلندی کے ساتھ ترقی و پیشرفت کی راہ پر گامزن ہوئی ۔ رہبر انقلاب اسلامی نے اس سلسلے میں فرمایا اسلامی انقلاب کی کامیابی کے بعد سیاسی فوجی میدانوں میں ملت ایران کی شجاعت ، دلاوری اور ہوشیاری نیز سماجی ترقی و پیشرفت کا ایران کی پوری تاریخ میں مشاہدہ نہیں کیا جا سکتا۔ رہبر انقلاب اسلامی نے اپنے خطاب میں ، موجودہ زمانے کی تصویر کشی کو شعر و شاعری اور فن و ہنر کی ذمہ دار قرار دیا اور فرمایا: اسلامی انقلاب نے ثقافت ، فکر اور آرٹ کی ترقی و پیشرفت کی راہیں کھولدی ہیں اور فن اس میدان کو مزید عمق گہرائی و گیرائی عطا کرسکتا ہے ۔ رہبر انقلاب اسلامی نے اس موقع پر شعرا کرام کو نصیحت فرمائی کہ اپنے جذبات اور احساسات کے اظہار میں حدود و قیود پر توجہ دیں اور اپنے اشعار میں پاکیزگي فکر و نظر کو برقرار رکھیں ۔
۔۔۔۔۔۔۔۔

تفصیلی رپورٹ:

 رہبر معظم انقلاب اسلامی:
سیاسی میدانوں میں وارد ہونے کے سلسلے میں ایرانی عوام کی ہوشیاری تاریخ میں بے نظیر ہے
رہبر معظم انقلاب اسلامی حضرت آیت اللہ العظمی خامنہ ای نے ایران میں اسلام کے وارد ہونے کے 1400 سال کے بعد کی تاریخ کی طرف مختصر اشارہ کرتے ہوئے فرمایا: انقلاب اسلامی کے بعد سیاسی اور فوجی میدانوں میں قدم رکھنے اور سماجی پیشرفت کے لئے ایرانی قوم کی ہوشیاری شجاعت اوردلیری ایران کی تاریخ میں بے مثال اور بے نظیر ہے۔
کریم اہل بیت نواسۂ رسول حضرت امام حسن مجتبی علیہ السلام کی ولادت با سعادت کی مناسبت سے کل رات کہنہ مشق اور نوجوان شعرا اور ادبی و ثقافتی حلقوں سے تعلق رکھنے والے افراد کل رات رہبر معظم انقلاب اسلامی آیت اللہ العظمی خامنہ ای کے ہاں میہمان تھے۔
اس ملاقات میں تیس شعرا نے دینی، ثقافتی ، سماجی، اخلاقی اور رزمیہ موضوعات پر اپنے اپنے اشعار پیش کئے۔
رہبر معظم انقلاب اسلامی حضرت آیت اللہ العظمی خامنہ ای نےاس موقع پر حاضرین سے خطاب میں موجودہ دور میں شعر و ادب کے فروغ اور کمال کی جانب جاری پیشرفت کی طرف اشارہ کرتے ہوئے فرمایا: اس وقت ہمارے ملک میں شعرا کی زبان اور ان کا تخیل بہت قوی اور مضبوط ہے اور ان کی نگاہیں  زندگی کے مختلف شعبوں کے متعلق بہت ہی گہری اور عمیق ہیں اور ان کی فکر و سوچ میں وسعت کے جلوے نظر آتے ہیں، جس کی وجہ سے زبان، مضمون اور تحریرات میں ایک نیا انداز ظہور نمایاں ہو رہا ہے، جس کے تمام پہلو آگے چل کر اور بھی واضح ہوں گے۔
رہبر معظم انقلاب اسلامی نے مشاق قدیمی شعرا کے نئے شعری انداز کی جانب رجحان کا ذکر کرتے ہوئےفرمایا:  یہ نیا انداز روز بروز کمال کی منزلیں طے کر رہا ہے اور بڑی خوشی اور مسرت کا مقام ہے کہ اس نئی شعری تحریک کے تناظر میں بڑے ممتاز اور اہم شعرا اپنےفن کا مظاہرہ کر رہے ہیں۔
رہبر معظم انقلاب اسلامی نے اس موقع پر کئی اہم نکات کا ذکر کیا۔
رہبر معظم انقلاب اسلامی نے عصری فنون میں شعر پر خاص توجہ کی ضرورت پر تاکید کرتے ہوئے فرمایا: ہمارا ملک بے پناہ شعری میراث اور طویل شعری تاریخ کا آئینہ دار ہے اور اس گرانقدر میراث کی وجہ سے ہمارا ملک دنیا کے پہلے درجے کے ممالک کی صف میں شامل ہے۔
رہبر معظم انقلاب اسلامی نے ملک میں شعر و ادب کے ارتقاء کو دیگر فنون کے ظہور و ارتقاء کی تمہید سے تعبیر کرتے ہوئے فرمایا: ایران شعر کے نمایاں میدان میں پیشرفت کی توانائیوں اور بنیادی استعدادوں سے بہرہ مند ہے اور اس میدان میں جتنا زیادہ فکر و تدبر، نظم و ضبط اور تحقیق و مطالعہ کا سہارا لیا جائے صلاحیتوں اور استعدادوں کے پیش نظر وہ زیادہ نہیں ہے۔
رہبر معظم انقلاب اسلامی نے ادبی انجمنوں کی تشکیل کی ضرورت پر زور دیتے ہوئے فرمایا: ادبی انجمن کا مطلب یہ ہے کہ ادبی دلچسپی رکھنے والے افراد ایک جگہ جمع ہوں اور شعری جذبے کے تحت ایک مقام پر اکٹھے ہوں اور اس کے لئے حکومت یا کسی دوسرےادارے کی حمایت کی ضرورت نہیں ہے جیسا کہ کسی زمانے میں شہر مشہد مقدس میں استاد اور بڑے شعراء کے گھروں میں تشکیل پانے والی انجمنوں اور نشستوں سے بہترین شعرا ء پیدا ہوئے اور معاشرے میں داخل ہوگئے۔
رہبر معظم انقلاب اسلامی نے ادبی انجمن کو پھولوں اور گل و گیاہ کے لئے سازگار زمین سے تعبیر کرتے ہوئےفرمایا:  ادبی انجمنوں میں جدید وارد ہونے والے شعرا کہنہ مشق اساتید کی صحبت سے فیض اور فائدہ  اٹھا کر اپنی خامیاں دور کرتے ہیں اور ان کے اشعار میں روز بروز زیادہ پختگی اور بلندی پیدا ہوتی ہے۔
رہبر معظم انقلاب اسلامی نے شاعرانہ ذوق کو اللہ تعالی کی خوشنودی کے لئے استعمال کرنے کی ضرورت پر تاکید کرتے ہوئے فرمایا کہ شعری ذوق الہی عطیہ اور بڑی اہم خدائی نعمت ہے جس کا دیگر ظاہری نعمتوں سے مقابلہ نہیں کیا جا سکتا لہذا سزاوار یہ ہے کہ شاعر اپنی اس صلاحیت ، استعداد اور مہارت کو اللہ تعالی کے پسندیدہ امور میں صرف کرے۔
رہبر معظم انقلاب اسلامی نے اس سلسلے میں مزید وضاحت کی اور شعرا کے نازک و لطیف مزاج کی جانب اشارہ کرتے ہوئے فرمایا: انسانی جذبات و احساسات کی راہ میں شعر کا استعمال ناگزیر ہے لیکن دینی موضوعات کے علاوہ معاشرے، ملک اور انقلاب کے مسائل کے لئے بھی ایک حصہ رکھنا ضروری ہے۔
رہبر معظم انقلاب اسلامی نے اسلام کی آمد کے بعد ایران کے سیاسی و سماجی حالات اور حکومتوں کے ارتقاء و زوال کی چودہ سو سالہ تاریخ کا مختصر جائزہ لیتے ہوئے فرمایا :  اس طویل عرصے میں ہمارے ملک میں اسلامی انقلاب سے بڑا کوئی واقعہ پیش نہیں آیا اور عصر حاضر کی مانند کبھی بھی ایرانی قوم مختلف اور گوناگوں مصنوعی حصاروں کو توڑنے میں کامیاب نہیں ہوئی اور سر اٹھاکر ترقی و پیشرفت کے راستے پر آگے نہیں بڑھ سکی تھی لیکن آج انقلاب کی برکت سے ترقی و پیشرفت کی شاہراہ پر گامزن ہے۔
رہبر معظم انقلاب اسلامی نے اسی سلسلے میں فرمایا: انقلاب اسلامی کے بعد سیاسی اور فوجی میدانوں میں قدم رکھنے اور سماجی پیشرفت کے لئے ایرانی قوم کی ہوشیاری شجاعت او ردلیری ایران کی تاریخ میں بے مثال اور بے نظیر ہے۔
رہبر معظم انقلاب اسلامی نے فرمایا: اس دور کی تصویر کشی کی ذمہ داری فن و شعر پر ہے، اسلامی انقلاب نے فکر و نظر اور شعر و ادب کی پیشرفت کے لئے بہت اچھی راہیں ہموار کردی ہے اور اب فن و ادب کی صنف مستحکم او رمؤثر اقدام کے ذریعے اس دور کو اور بھی گرانقدر بنا سکتی ہے۔رہبر معظم انقلاب اسلامی نےجذبات و خیالات کے اظہار میں پاکیزگی کو ملحوظ رکھنے پر بھی زوردیا۔
رہبر معظم انقلاب اسلامی نے شعراء سے سفارش کرتے ہوئے فرمایا: جذبات و احساسات اور دل و ذہن کی کیفیت کو بیان کرنے میں حدود کا خیال رکھیں اور شعر میں حجاب و عفاف کی کیفیت برقرار رکھنے پر توجہ مبذول کریں ۔
رہبر معظم انقلاب اسلامی نے اضطراب ، تعجب اور حیرت کی غمازی کرنے والے اشعار کی جانب اشارہ کرتے ہوئے فرمایا : نوجوان اور جدید شعراء کے اشعار میں یہ فکر و تشویش تو پاکیزہ ہے لیکن فکری و عقیدتی بنیادوں کی تقویت کے ذریعہ اس اضطراب کو دور کیا جانا چاہیے۔
رہبر معظم انقلاب اسلامی نے اس ملاقات اورنشست کو بہت لذت بخش اور لطف اندوز قرار دیا اور یہ جلسہ منعقد کرنے پرشکریہ ادا کیا۔ چار گھنٹوں تک جاری رہنے والی اس ملاقات میں شعرا نے رہبر معظم انقلاب اسلامی سے بڑے دوستانہ اور صمیمی ماحول میں گفتگو کی۔
اس ملاقات کے اختتام پر حاضرین نے رہبر معظم  انقلاب اسلامی کی امامت میں نماز مغرب و عشاء ادا کی اور اس کے بعد رہبر معظم انقلاب اسلامی کے ساتھ روزہ افطار کیا۔
--
Asadullah Syed

Islamophobia: the new antisemitism

Islamophobia: the new antisemitism

guardian.co.uk, Thursday 26 August 2010

When I was growing up in Gainesville, Florida, the Klan was still a force. Now a pastor wants to burn the Qur'an, what's changed?

 

oded Ku Klux Klansmen posed for this exclusive picture Sept. 2, 1962 as they burn a cross as part of a statewide demonstration against racial integration in Talluah, Louisiana

The New York Times is reporting that a pastor in my hometown of Gainesville, Florida is planning to "commemorate" 11 September 2001 by publicly burning the Qur'an. The photograph that accompanies the story showed the pastor, Terry Jones, standing in a field of grass behind signs that read "Islam is of the devil."

The tall pines of my childhood tower behind him and I was shocked to see those two images together. From my apartment in Tel Aviv, I searched the edges of the photo for something else familiar, something that would soothe me.

Where is my hometown? I thought. This is not the Gainesville I grew up in. 

Gainesville is quintessential America. It's swimming pools and popsicles. It's kids scooting about on bikes on lazy summer days. It's Norman Rockwell America.

It's also Tom Petty's hometown, the place that gave rise to his famous song "American Girl". If I've had a bit too much to drink and I sing along, I find a southern accent I never knew I had. And if a Jewish girl can discover a southern accent for herself in Gainesville, anyone can find a home there. Right?

Then I remember.

When I was a child, some of my evangelical Christian classmates urged me to convert. Because I was Jewish and didn't accept Jesus Christ as my personal lord and saviour, they told me, I was going to hell. 

When I was a teenager, I had a close friend whose father was in the Ku Klux Klan. For years, I hid my ethnic and cultural background from the family. Shame began to seep into me and I learned to hide my roots from everyone.

The summer after 11th grade, we were home alone, watching a movie with an African American friend of ours. The gravel in the driveway rumbled under a car's tires – it was my other friend's father, the Klansman, arriving unexpectedly. Our black friend hid in a closet. He climbed him out the window later and I met him down the road, tucked him into my car, and drove him home. 

My last year of high school, the Ku Klux Klan held a rally in a local park that happened to be less than a mile from my house. As I left to go for a run, my mom warned me to steer clear of the park. Just in case.

An obedient daughter, I respected her wishes. When I heard later that counter-protesters outnumbered the KKK, I felt a thrill in my chest. This is my hometown.

I felt the same this morning when I read that the city of Gainesville had rejected Jones's request for permission to build a bonfire. While the city denied that the decision had anything to do with Jones's intention to burn sacred books, Gainesville's mayor, Craig Lowe, voiced his discomfort with Jones's ideology.

So, which is my hometown? And which is America?

Gainesville's struggle is a mirror for the country. And so are my memories. In the past, there was antisemitism, roiling just below the surface. Now, there is Islamophobia. If Terry Jones burns copies of the Qur'an in Gainesville, he'll leave a shameful scorch on us all.

--
Asadullah Syed

No talks until india admits Kashmir a disputed territory

No talks until india admits Kashmir a disputed territory
 
Friday, 27 August 2010 19:46  

Srinagar, August 27, 2010: APHC(G) Chairman, Syed Ali Gilani has said that holding talks with India will be a futile exercise until it accepts the disputed nature of Jammu and Kashmir, starts demilitarisation, revokes black laws and releases all Kashmiri political prisoners without any condition.

Syed Ali Gilani, who was addressing a public gathering at Gulshanabad in Hyderpora said, "We were never against talks. But when, on the one hand, there are talks about talks and, on the other, Kashmir is declared as an integral part, there remains nothing meaningful about the dialogue. Holding of talks will be a futile exercise until India gives up its stubbornness, proclaims Kashmir as a dispute, starts the process of demilitarisation, revokes all the draconian laws and releases all the detainees unconditionally."

Syed Ali Gilani condemned the torturing to death of an innocent student, Umar Qayoom by Indian forces. He said that cruel and callous attitude of police towards people would not be tolerated. He said that Kashmiris' liberation struggle was absolutely peaceful and indigenous. "Those protesting on roads do not carry any gun, grenade or other weapon. They are not being paid by anyone. The Indian agencies are using underhand tactics to malign our movement," he said.

Surprised over the closure of Srinagar Airport from September 1, Syed Ali Gilani termed it torture to Kashmiris. "It can be tactic to keep the prevailing grim situation away from the view of outside world," he added.

Syed Ali Gilani maintained that all the minorities including Sikhs are safe in Kashmir. He appealed to the Muslims to assure the minorities in their respective localities that they were safe and secure.

APHC(M) chairman, Mirwaiz Umar Farooq demanded India to withdraw its troops from Occupied State of Jammu & Kashmir. He also urged India to stop state terrorism in the occupied territory and take steps to settle the Kashmir dispute by holding talks with Pakistan and genuine Kashmiri leadership.

Syed Ali Gilani led a big protest in Hyderpora and while addressing a gathering on the occasion, pointed out that the people of Jammu & Kashmir had been rendering sacrifices to secure their inalienable right of self-determination and not for perks and privileges.

Other APHC leaders, Agha Syed Hassan Al-Moosvi, addressing protesters in Badgam and Ghulam Ahmed Mir in Thanamandi emphasised that India would not be able to subdue Kashmiris' movement through force. Anti-India demonstrations were also staged at Lal Chowk, Soura, Buchpora and Residency Road in Srinagar and in Islamabad, Bijbehara, Sangam, Pulwama, Tral and other towns. Liberation leaders addressing the demonstrators urged India to show seriousness in resolving the dispute in accordance with the Kashmiris' aspirations.

Illegally detained senior APHC leader, Shabbir Ahmad Shah talking to mediamen at a hospital in Jammu said that the present surge in the liberation struggle had unnerved Indian authorities, who were engaged in a genocidal spree in the occupied territory. The authorities had brought him there for medical check-up.

The Executive Director of Kashmir Centre London, Professor Nazir Ahmad Shawl, in a statement in Islamabad said that resolution of the Kashmir dispute was vital to the peace and stability in South Asia. Kashmiri intellectual and lecturer in Delhi University, Syed Abdur Rehman Gilani in a media interview in Bangalore said that the people of Jammu and Kashmir should be given an opportunity to decide their future.

On the other hand, the 43rd death anniversary of prominent Kashmiri liberation leader and religious scholar, Mirwaiz Muhammad Yousaf Shah will be observed, tomorrow, and special functions will be held on the occasion on both sides of the Line of Control.

The Executive Director of Kashmir Centre London, Professor Nazir Ahmad Shawl, has said that resolution of the Kashmir dispute is vital to the peace and stability in South Asia. Professor Nazir Ahmad Shawl said that the Kashmir is an internationally recognized dispute. "The resolution of the lingering dispute in accordance with the aspirations of Kashmiri people will restore a new era in the inter-state relations in South Asia," he added.

He said that India should concede the existing ground realities and respond to the categorical message of the ongoing movement in the occupied territory. "The dispute should be resolved according to the internationally supervised referendum as promised by the United Nations Security Council," he maintained.

In Srinagar, at least 40 persons were injured when Indian forces resorted to brute force in Soura area of Srinagar to disperse the demonstrators protesting against the civilian killings and crackdown on youth.

Doctors at the Soura Medical Institute told mediamen that the Institute received 38 persons with pellet injuries. They said that one of the inured, identified as Khalid, 20, had received multiple pellet injuries in abdomen and chest. Another injured person from Rambagh was admitted in the Institute.

The protesters, mainly young boys, demanded the release of the arrested youth. The Indian forces used batons, fired teargas shells and rubber bullets to disperse them. A youth namely Nayeem Ahmad Paul was hit by a rubber bullet and shifted to a hospital.

In Rainawari, protests broke out at Naidyar after a youth was picked up by Indian forces. After the incident, people took to the streets and staged protests demanding his release. The Indian forces used brute force to disperse the protesters. The locals said that the occupation forces damaged private properties and smashed the windowpanes of residential houses in Dalkawpora, Naidyar and Chowdhary Bagh localities.

People also held anti-India demonstrations in Umarabad, Zainakote, Natipora, Rambagh, Wanbal, Sopore, Baramulla and Palhalan, Langate, Kralgund, Kralpora, Trehgam, Shopian, Bijbehara, Islamabad, Pulwama and Kulgam areas. Hundreds of people including women and children in Khaipora area of Tangmarg staged demonstrations against the brutal murder of a teenage girl, Sameera Bhat, who went missing last Monday and later her body with countless injury marks was recovered from an isolated field.

On the other hand, the Indian forces thrashed the newspaper hawkers in Soura, Gulab Bagh and Pandach areas of Srinagar and seized the copies of two local dailies 'Greater Kashmir' and 'Kashmir Uzma' on Thursday. The hawkers received multiple injuries and were taken to hospital for treatment.

Meanwhile, China has refused visa to a serving Indian army general, B. S. Jaswal, on the ground that he is the incharge of the Indian forces in Occupied State of Jammu & Kashmir. China has been describing Jammu and Kashmir as a disputed territory.

 

Saturday, August 21, 2010

Fight Petrodollar Islam: Sultan Shahin

I Fight Petrodollar Islam: Sultan Shahin

In a tiny room in East Delhi's Patparganj, a man spends most of his waking hours at his computer. This passion may be something he shares with millions, but Sultan Shahin is no ordinary web addict. Behind his constant surfing, writing and posting pieces on his website called newageislam.com is a steadfast purpose: to reclaim Islam from the clutches of jihadists and petrodollar-funded Salafist-Wahhabis.

Shahin, who ideologically fights the religious right — the tyrannical Taliban and its sympathisers as well as the many Islamic supremacists who claim that Islam alone is Allah's chosen path to paradise — is a spirited web warrior. "My fight is against petrodollar Islam," he declares. "I am creating a forum that will lead us to the understanding of a pluralistic, inclusive, tolerant Islam." And Islam, he adds, is not a new religion. "The Quran says this. It is a reiteration and revalidation of earlier religions," he avers, seated at his study stacked with scholarly tomes, including several copies of the commentaries on the Quran.

Anathema as this may be to fundamentalists, it's won Shahin many followers. In the mere two years since the inception of newageislam.com, the website has 117,000 registered subscribers (subscription is free), claims its 60-year-old editor. Its daily newsletter, brought out by a skeletal staff of five, has carried debates on issues and personalities seldom talked about among mosque-going, visibly pious Muslims. So the Mumbai-based Muslim televangelist Dr Zakir Naik is slammed, not because he is allegedly funded by the petro-rich Saudi Sheikhs, but because he tries to establish the supremacy of Islam over all other religions. Niyaz Fatehpuri, a 20th-century Indian scholar and editor of Urdu periodical Nigaar, has become a much admired man on the website because of his rational, ingenious interpretation of Islamic principles. The website even follows the Urdu press, including Urdu dailies in Pakistan, and uploads the rational views in it, both in their original Urdu and English translations. ...

Shahin later landed up in London as an editor of Asia Times, a weekly owned by one Arif Ali of Indian origin. A decade or so in England, he says, gave him great experience "as it exposed me to different strains of Islam and Muslims". Like, once at a friend's house in Nottingham, he heard a 20-year-old Muslim extolling the virtues of Ahle Hadees, a sect which propagates puritanical Islam. Shahin asked the boy the treatment he would prescribe for those Muslims who didn't follow the Ahle Hadees sect. "Kill them," said the young fanatic in a cold-blooded tone. "It really disturbed me. The boy had apparently been influenced by radical organisations like Al Muhajiroon and Hizb-ut-Tehrir. Thousands of young Muslims had been brainwashed by incendiary preacher Omar Bakri who commanded the following that saints do," recalls Shahin. "I knew it would not take long before the fires of fanatic Islam reached the Indian subcontinent and consumed our youth." -- Mohammad Wajihuddin, The Times of India, Mumbai


The War within Islam
11 Aug 2010, NewAgeIslam.Com
I Fight Petrodollar Islam: Sultan Shahin

Virtual warrior Sultan Shahin takes on Muslim fundamentalists through his website NewAgeIslam.com

 

By Mohammad Wajihuddin, The Times of India, Mumbai

  

In a tiny room in East Delhi's Patparganj, a man spends most of his waking hours at his computer. This passion may be something he shares with millions, but Sultan Shahin is no ordinary web addict. Behind his constant surfing, writing and posting pieces on his website called newageislam.com is a steadfast purpose: to reclaim Islam from the clutches of jihadists and petrodollar-funded Salafist-Wahhabis.

 

Shahin, who ideologically fights the religious right — the tyrannical Taliban and its sympathisers as well as the many Islamic supremacists who claim that Islam alone is Allah's chosen path to paradise — is a spirited web warrior. "My fight is against petrodollar Islam," he declares. "I am creating a forum that will lead us to the understanding of a pluralistic, inclusive, tolerant Islam." And Islam, he adds, is not a new religion. "The Quran says this. It is a reiteration and revalidation of earlier religions," he avers, seated at his study stacked with scholarly tomes, including several copies of the commentaries on the Quran.

 

Anathema as this may be to fundamentalists, it's won Shahin many followers. In the mere two years since the inception of newageislam.com, the website has 117,000 registered subscribers (subscription is free), claims its 60-year-old editor. Its daily newsletter, brought out by a skeletal staff of five, has carried debates on issues and personalities seldom talked about among mosque-going, visibly pious Muslims. So the Mumbai-based Muslim televangelist Dr Zakir Naik is slammed, not because he is allegedly funded by the petro-rich Saudi Sheikhs, but because he tries to establish the supremacy of Islam over all other religions. Niyaz Fatehpuri, a 20th-century Indian scholar and editor of Urdu periodical Nigaar, has become a much admired man on the website because of his rational, ingenious interpretation of Islamic principles. The website even follows the Urdu press, including Urdu dailies in Pakistan, and uploads the rational views in it, both in their original Urdu and English translations.

 

The feedback, says Shahin, has been astounding. "When I launched it, I didn't realise it would generate so much interest, especially in young Muslims, from Australia to Abu Dhabi and Canada to Coimbatore," explains the journalist who, ironically, began his career way back in the 1970s at the conservative Jamaat-e-Islami's mouthpiece weekly Radiance, then based in the by-lanes of Ballimaran in Old Delhi.

 

Son of a maulvi, Shahin grew up in a village in the backwaters of Aurangabad in Bihar, and remembers the many nights, he, along with his five siblings, went to bed hungry as his father fell ill and later died, leaving the responsibility of supporting the family on Shahin's young shoulders. While studying in a college in Patna, he worked part-time for a couple of local Urdu dailies. Shahin later landed up in London as editor of Asia Times, a weekly owned by one Arif Ali of Indian origin. A decade or so in England, he says, gave him great experience "as it exposed me to different strains of Islam and Muslims". Like, once at a friend's house in Nottingham, he heard a 20-year-old Muslim extolling the virtues of Ahle Hadees, a sect which propagates puritanical Islam. Shahin asked the boy the treatment he would prescribe for those Muslims who didn't follow the Ahle Hadees sect. "Kill them," said the young fanatic in a cold-blooded tone. "It really disturbed me. The boy had apparently been influenced by radical organisations like Al Mujahidun and Hizb-ut-Tehrir. Thousands of young Muslims had been brainwashed by incendiary preacher Omar Bakri who commanded the following that saints do," recalls Shahin. "I knew it would not take long before the fires of fanatic Islam reached the Indian subcontinent and consumed our youth."

 

Shahin personally encountered the ugly face of exclusivist, supremacist Wahhabism in India when he left the London job to edit a magazine in Delhi in the 1990s, backed by a group of influential, educated, "enlightened" Muslims. A few months into his new job, over breakfast one morning, a member of the management asked him a strange question: "You have been married to a Hindu (Pragya) for a decade. Why have you not been able to bring her under the fold of Islam?" "I quoted him the Quranic verse La ikraha fiddeen (there is no compulsion in religion) and reasoned that to convert or not to Islam was her personal choice. But it didn't cut any ice and they sacked me," Shahin says.

 

He went into deep depression, as the blow had been dealt by the people whom he believed to be "the cream of Indian Muslim society". He took to freelancing aggressively in the national press, opposing the conservative mindset, a mentality which threatened the multicultural, pluralistic ethos of India and Indian Islam. Many in the Sangh Parivar, including the BJP, mistook him for the right medium to reach out to Muslims. "They didn't know that many Muslims hated me. I was a bad choice to become a bridge between the Sangh Parivar and Muslims," laughs Shahin, who has been variously addressed as kafir (infidel), munafiq (hypocrite) and even Dear Zionist.

 

His liberal, rational advocacy of Islamic principles, especially since he launched the website, has enraged many Islamists, who hack his website regularly and post abusive letters and rejoinders. Many threaten him with the fires of hell. "Initially, I left the site unmonitored, as I wanted a free and frank dialogue. But now we monitor it, as we discovered that not just the jihadists, but even some Viagra-selling companies were using the website to advertise their products," he smiles. "We sell ideas, not aphrodisiacs."

 

A father of four, Shahin's deep study of religions, especially Islam, has made him conclude that like Adam, Moses and Mohammad, Ram and Krishna were also prophets. "If we address Mohammad as Hazrat Mohammad, I have no reservations about addressing Ram as Hazrat Ram," he explains.

 

As we leave this champion of rational, inclusive Islam, we marvel at India's generous secularism. Which Islamic country would have tolerated a Shahin? Ask Salman Rushdie or Taslima Nasreen.

 

Source: The Times of India

mohammed.wajihuddin@timesgroup.com

URL: http://www.newageislam.com/NewAgeIslamWarWithinIslam_1.aspx?ArticleID=3275


--
Asadullah Syed

Reviving true kashmiriyat


Islam and Politics
20 Aug 2010, NewAgeIslam.Com
Reviving true kashmiriyat

While bleakly pessimistic readings of the escalating violence in the Kashmir Valley are already declaring that India's more than 60-year painstaking quest to retain the picturesque State within its Union has collapsed, there are strong signs that the situation can be easily pulled back from the brink. What is called for is not just deft political management but some transparent introspection that can be shared loud and clear between New Delhi, Srinagar and the people of Jammu and Kashmir. -- Malini Parthasarathy

Reviving true kashmiriyat

By Malini Parthasarathy

In this era of post-nationalism, it is possible to preserve the distinct Kashmiri cultural identity in an autonomous political framework that is not at odds with the idea of it being part of a larger Indian Union.

While bleakly pessimistic readings of the escalating violence in the Kashmir Valley are already declaring that India's more than 60-year painstaking quest to retain the picturesque State within its Union has collapsed, there are strong signs that the situation can be easily pulled back from the brink. What is called for is not just deft political management but some transparent introspection that can be shared loud and clear between New Delhi, Srinagar and the people of Jammu and Kashmir.

It will have to be a conversation that is audible to the outside world, so that it has authenticity and thereby credibility. But most important, the dialogue must reach into history, examine the commitments that have been made especially in recent years and ensure that the faith of ordinary people in the capacity of politics and in the political system is substantively renewed.

The fast moving events in the Valley with the death count of innocent youths rising every day since June 11 in the increasingly violent standoff between civilian protesters and the security forces, served as a wake-up call for New Delhi. The Srinagar stone-pelting campaign brought back the unsavoury memories of the movement for azadi as the slogans shouted on the Srinagar streets were mainly for India to "go back".

It was a rude jolt to the United Progressive Alliance's self assured and even complacent perception that the peace process initiated in 2006 by the Manmohan Singh administration was in place. The reconciliatory process was clearly in shreds and the situation had spun out of control. Officials and politicians in Srinagar and New Delhi were evidently overwhelmed by the vehemence and intensity of the anger that was spilling out on to the streets.

Some of that realisation appeared to reflect in the Prime Minister's rueful recalling of the steps that his government had taken since 2004, in his meeting with the all-party delegation from Jammu and Kashmir on August 10. Noting that his government had invested heavily in the peace process, having been given the space by the "brave rejection" of militancy by the people, Dr. Singh signalled his recognition of the inevitability of a dialogue with Pakistan on the historical dispute over Kashmir's status. He also admitted that what was needed was "a political solution that addresses the alienation and emotional needs of the people" which could only be achieved through "a sustained internal and external dialogue."

The Prime Minister sought to remind his audience that his government had set up a number of round tables and working groups in order to bring about a durable peace. Yet in his recounting of the past, he did not offer an explanation of the sudden ebbing of momentum in that very process as a result of the gap between these professed intentions and what had actually transpired in the last three years after the last roundtable concluded in April 2007. There is no doubt that the fatal blow to the Manmohan Singh initiative on Kashmir was the abandonment of the working group process after 2007. After showcasing the Roundtable meetings and working group process as the "way forward" in addressing the alienation of the Valley, for New Delhi to have dropped that entire process was a disconcerting signal.

At the end of the third roundtable conference in April 2007, the Prime Minister had proposed that as a sequel to the constitution of the working groups, a "standing committee of the roundtable conference" be set up "to meet as and when necessary to take stock of the implementation of the recommendations of the working groups." He had also left it to the Chief Minister to finalise the membership of the standing committee. At that point it was a Congress-PDP coalition that was at the helm with Ghulam Nabi Azad, the Congress candidate as the Chief Minister. Yet inexplicably, the concept of a standing committee to oversee the implementation of the working group recommendations never took shape.

It has been argued that because of the change of regime in Srinagar and the various agitations such as Amarnath and Shopian, the stakes that New Delhi had invested in the peace process could not be successfully sustained. But to have left the Kashmir peace process, an issue of critical national importance, to the vagaries of partisan party politics is an unacceptable lapse of judgment. As a result, critical political and strategic space has unnecessarily been conceded to the separatists.

Yet it is not at all too late for New Delhi to regain the initiative. First, the South Asian regional dynamics have radically changed as a result of the post-9/11 context. The 1990s were dominated by the aftermath of the break-up of the Soviet Union, when campaigns for self-determination and cultural nationalist assertions received worldwide attention and empathy. But vastly different political currents are driving the 21st century, with the global powers led by the United States and including China, for their own strategic reasons having little stake in encouraging fragmentary and breakaway impulses, founded on ethno-nationalism.

Recognising these changed dynamics, the former Pakistan President, Pervez Musharraf, offered his four-point formula which in essence suggested rendering boundaries irrelevant by allowing a substantive unification of the two Kashmirs, a proposal that New Delhi felt had potential. The key point to recognise in approaching the Kashmir issue is that in this era of post-nationalism, it is possible to preserve the distinct Kashmiri cultural identity in an autonomous political framework that is not at odds with the idea of it being part of a larger Indian Union.

New Delhi's bureaucracy, traditionally suspicious of any formulations that would loosen Srinagar's ties with New Delhi, has failed to grasp the enormous creative potential in engagement with interlocutors such as Mirwaiz Moulvi Farooq, a visionary who is fiercely anti-fundamentalist but seeks to protect Kashmir's unique political identity. In a recent interview in the August issue of the new Srinagar periodical Conveyor, Mirwaiz explained that he believed that the Kashmiris were "in a situation where things have changed, it is not 1947 and the realities are entirely different in 2010." He also said "we have to move beyond history now and look at options where we can create opportunities of addressing the problem." Significantly he added "Self determination should not be viewed as a limited or closed thing … we have to look at the broader concept of things."

The potential in Mirwaiz's views must be explored as also the ideas of the Mehbooba Mufti-led People's Democratic Party, the Congress party's erstwhile coalition partner, which envisage cross-border power-sharing arrangements between the people on both sides of the Line of Control to be able to "gain an uncontrolled access to our own resources and the bounties of nature that are shared by our region as a whole". In the PDP proposal for self-rule is also a careful acknowledgment that the present national boundaries of India and Pakistan must be preserved.

The Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister, Omar Abdullah, has the historic responsibility of ensuring that the much delayed constitutional, political and economic processes that enable a radically autonomous status for the State under Article 370, are set in motion. In June 2000, it was his father Farooq Abdullah, then the Chief Minister, who got the J&K State Assembly to adopt a path breaking resolution based on its State Autonomy Committee (SAC) Report proposing that "matters in the Union List not connected with … Defence, External Affairs and Communications … should be excluded from their application of the State".

It is time for India to uphold the unique circumstances of Kashmir's accession to India and accept the inevitability of loosening its ties to the Union. One positive signal would be to agree to the SAC proposal that the word "temporary" which couches the provision on Article 370 be replaced with the word "special", thereby protecting the State's special status from the frequent political assaults on it, especially from Hindu nationalists.

The second important aspect of the task ahead is to assure the support of both the Centre and the State government for the project to revive genuine kashmiriyat, the historically unique ethos of the Kashmir valley that is in essence syncretic, harmonious and independent of both the national constructs of India and Pakistan. Respecting kashmiriyat is not by any stretch of imagination anti-Indian. Kashmiriyat is as much a part of the sub-continental heritage as is the rich Dravidian culture of Tamil Nadu.

Kashmiriyat is a proud assertion of a unique Kashmiri cultural identity that is unabashedly pluralist in its moorings, inclusive in its orientation that embraces both Muslims and Pandits. It is as far removed from the hard-line Islamists who seek to hijack this sentiment and turn it into a movement for self-determination, as it is from the Hindu nationalists who demand Kashmir's complete integration with the Indian Union.

The way forward is to revive the true spirit of kashmiriyat. It is a test of India's political ingenuity to find ways and means of upholding it without necessarily compromising the larger issue of national boundaries.

Source: The Hindu, New Delhi

URL: http://www.newageislam.com/NewAgeIslamIslamAndPolitics_1.aspx?ArticleID=3319


--
Asadullah Syed

Friday, June 25, 2010

Fwd: URDU COLUMNS 30.12.09



---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Tayyab Abbasi <tayyab.abbasi@express.com.pk>
Date: 30 Dec 2009 08:29
Subject: URDU COLUMNS 30.12.09
To:

"ALLAH ham sab ko aasanian aata farmai aur aasanian taqseem karnay ka sharf aata farmai"


Tayyab Abbasi




--
Asadullah Syed