Thursday, June 24, 2010

Fatwa-mongers have a lot to learn from ancient jurists

Islamic Sharia Laws
20 Apr 2010, NewAgeIslam.Com
Fatwa-mongers have a lot to learn from ancient jurists

By Arif M Khan

Shah Walliullah (1703-62) in his classic fiqha-e-Umar (a book dealing with juristic verdicts of second Muslim Caliph Umar bin Khattab), has reported two interesting narrations. The first is a letter addressed to Abu Moosa Ash'ari, the Regent of Basra, containing detailed instructions to ensure fair and expeditious settlement of legal disputes. He says that when "you are seized of a dispute and come to a conclusion then make no delay either in pronouncing the judgement or its enforcement. You must take care that during the proceedings of the case irrelevant and extraneous issues are not entertained as doing so does not benefit the cause of justice."

Secondly, he emphasised that "during the proceeding of the case, you must conduct yourself in a manner that promotes cordial and fraternal feelings among the contending parties. You are duty bound to uphold justice and due process of law and leave no room for the parties to nurse any complaints, otherwise the weak will lose faith in your verdict and others shall apprehend oppression and injustice.

Then the letter instructs that the onus of proof shall always lie with the plaintiff and not the accused, who in the absence of any evidence can absolve himself by a solemn affirmation. If the plaintiff produces evidence in support of his claim, then given him his due, otherwise decided in favour of the respondent. This procedure is more appropriate and meets the demands of justice.

On the question of curing any wrong judgement delivered through some mistake or under some misapprehension of law or facts, the letter says, "If you have passed an order today and later you realise the error then it diminishes not the dignity of your officer to recall the order. You must always stand with the truth because it is far more beneficial to return to truth by acknowledging the wrong done than persist in the wrong one by mistake."

The communication lays down elaborated instructions with regard to the qualifications for the persons who appear as witnesses and prohibits admissibility of any evidence given by the persons falling in three following categories.

·        A person who has been convicted earlier for a felony or misdemeanour.

·        A person who was held to have given false evidence in any dispute earlier.

·        A person who is accused of usurping the rights of others or breach of trust as a guardian or superintendant of properties.

The communiqué further said that what is hidden and secret belongs on the outcome of the judicial proceedings. The legal verdict shall depend only on express statements, evidence adduced and facts of the case. In another communication to Abu Moosa Ashari, the Caliph laid down that "no person shall hold law court or hear legal dispute except the authority established by law". The reason being that such authorities are supported by state power, and state power, when applied correctly, is an effective deterrent against wrongdoers and false witnesses.

This position was further reiterated by Caliph Umar in his communiqué to Abdullah bin Masood whom he had appointed as in-charge of education in Kufa. Ibn Masood was regarded as an authority in Quranic sciences and one prophetic narration had named him as one of the four teachers of Quran. Keeping in mind the erudition and scholarship of Ibn Masood, people started flocking to him to seek his verdict (fatwa) in matters of disputed and he willingly obliged them. On bearing this news, the Caliph wrote a letter and asked if he has started settling legal disputes despite the fact that he has not been vested withsuch authority.

Ibn Masood replied in the affirmative. The Caliph sent him a rejoinder directing "leave this work for one who is competent to take care of the benefits and harms associated with the administration of justice."

The above mentioned directives of Caliph Umar show the contrast between Islamic law as administered in the first century, when a scholar of Ibn Masood's standing was not allowed to interfere into judicial affairs, and now, when unknown persons claiming to be religious scholars issue sundry fatwas that arouse only derision and ridicule.

The author is a former union minister of India.

Source: The Sunday Guardian, New Delhi

URL: http://www.newageislam.com/NewAgeIslamIslamicShariaLaws_1.aspx?ArticleID=2729



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Asadullah Syed

Muslim women stage a march against terrorism in Agra

Islam, Women and Feminism
20 Apr 2010, NewAgeIslam.Com
Muslim women stage a march against terrorism in Agra

Saudi Arabia: the second sex and the third rail

Somalia: Islamist impose new rules on farmers and women in Somalia 

American Daughters: Reflections On Being Muslim in America: Panel Discussion

Canadians demonstrate against niqab-ban legislation

Ukip claims Muslim women back burqa ban

Fundamentalism inYemeni-woman related legislation

Iranian women show passion for beauty

On Quebec's Decision to Ban the Muslim Niqab

Girl banned from school for wearing hijab

Crowd protests Quebec niqab ban

Veil of tears for expelled student

Islam and Muslim women's social roles

The person behind the veil: Women who wear the niqab in Canada have been caricatured at worst, misunderstood at best

URL: http://www.newageislam.com/NewAgeIslamIslamWomenAndFeminism_1.aspx?ArticleID=2728

 

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Muslim women stage a march against terrorism in Agra

19 Apr 2010

Hundreds of Muslim women took to streets in Agra on Sunday against the terror menace.

The rally was a part of the three-day National Women Muslim Conference, which concluded at Mathur Vaishya Bhavan in Agra.

carrying banners and placards with messages against terrorism, the participant said that the aim of this march is to create awareness among women especially Muslim women against the terror menace.

Shahzad Khan, organiser of the event, said that this was a three-day campaign to create awareness among the educationally backward sections of the society.

"This campaign was to create awareness among the Muslims who are educationally backward. National Muslim Front has begun this door-to-door campaign today along with Muslim women to guide children towards education," said Khan.

http://www.littleabout.com/news/92999,muslim-women-stage-march-terrorism-agra.html

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Saudi Arabia: the second sex and the third rail

Posted By F. Gregory Gause

April 19, 2010

For a country where women play such a limited public role, it is remarkable that the women's issue plays such a large role in Saudi public discourse. Nothing excites such fervent debate among Saudi intellectuals and activists, and divides them more clearly. During my stay in Saudi Arabia from mid-January to early April of this year, the issue of women's roles in the Saudi public sphere was the dominant topic for debate in the media. How the women's issue has developed in Saudi Arabia over the past few years is a good indicator of the very slow and cautious liberalization that the Saudi regime has encouraged; it is also a good example of the real limits of that liberalization.

The women's issue is the third rail of Saudi politics. Touch it and risk getting burned. The prohibition on women driving is the element that gets the most attention in the United States, and it is certainly an important element of the debate in Saudi Arabia itself. But the issue is larger than driving, encompassing the more general limitations on Saudi women's participation in public life -- in the workplace, in public spaces, in education -- and the appropriateness of the "mixing" of the genders (in Arabic, "al-'ikhtilat") in these contexts.

King Abdallah has approached the third rail, but in a very cautious manner. His best known initiative in the West on this score is his patronage of the new King Abdallah University for Science and Technology (KAUST), where male and female students and faculty mix on campus without restrictions. Criticisms of KAUST were widespread among Islamists, particularly after pictures of mixed social events appeared on Facebook pages and were passed around by mobile phone. The King decisively intervened in this debate, in October 2009, by firing Shaykh Saad al-Shithri, a member of the Committee of Higher Ulama -- the highest clerical body in the Kingdom -- who had mildly criticized gender mixing on campus on a television program. This was a particularly strong reaction, as al-Shithri was known as a staunch regime loyalist with close family ties to the Al-Saud.

But it would be a mistake to overemphasize the importance of KAUST in the more general Saudi debate on women's issues. The University is a self-contained universe, 80 kilometers from the closest big city (Jeddah) and sealed off from the wider Saudi society. The number of Saudi students on campus is very small. Its impact on the country can only be judged years, if not decades, from now. The more immediate issue is the role of women in Saudi society more generally, and the pushback that minor advances on that score has occasioned.

There is undoubtedly more access for women to Saudi public spaces now than there has been in the past. The debate over al-'ikhtilat is not theoretical -- it is a reaction to real changes. Two public events during my stay in the country underlined the changes. The first was an education fair where foreign universities made their pitches to Saudi students, tens of thousands of whom (both men and women) are able to study abroad under King Abdallah's scholarship program. The hall was packed with a co-ed Saudi crowd. The second was the annual Riyadh book fair, a major event on the cultural calendar. Despite the presence of the notorious Committee for the Promotion of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice (which not only had members present throughout the hall, but also its own booth, handing out its publications), a completely gender-mixed Saudi crowd attended most days (a few days were limited by gender) without major incident.

It would be a mistake to exaggerate these manifestations of change. We are talking about one-off events, not major social changes. Schools are still strictly segregated through the university level. Women have separate entrances in most places of business. The Jeddah Chamber of Commerce, which has women on its elected board of directors, is instituting different work hours for men and women so they do not have to encounter each other entering and leaving the building. And the driving issue remains unchanged, despite periodic rumors that change is coming. But the trend toward greater women's participation in Saudi public life is clear. One evidence of that trend is the increasing number of female writers with their own opinion columns in Saudi newspapers, who take on these issue on a regular basis. Another is the prominence gained by a Saudi female poet, who reached the final round of a popular televised poetry contest last month by lambasting hidebound clerics in verse.

While the trend is clear, so is the pushback. Islamist activists have protested even these small forays into greater integration of Saudi women into the public sphere. Their arguments tend to revolve around a particularly narrow reading of Islamic law and a more general contention that these moves are part of a broader campaign to impose Western values on Saudi society, against the will of the majority. Much of the pushback comes from Internet websites, which have become the major forum for Islamist political discussion in Saudi Arabia. The other public location of the pushback is the religious satellite television channels, which give oodles of airtime to a wide array of clerics and activists, some very close to the government and others more critical. Some of the pushback does not become public, but is passed on to the official Saudi clergy, which then takes the complaints to senior members of the ruling family.  The more extreme and egregious reactions become the focus of public debate, as more liberal writers in the Kingdom's newspapers use them as a platform to attack the Islamists.

One such incident was the suggestion by activist Yusif al-Ahmad that the gender-mixing at the Grand Mosque in Mecca during the annual pilgrimage was un-Islamic. He called for the Saudi government to tear down the Mosque and build a new one constructed to allow the genders to remain separated during the pilgrimage rituals. His suggestion was greeted with derision among most Saudi writers. A more serious example of pushback was a very strong fatwa from activist cleric Shaykh Abd al-Rahman al-Barrak. He clearly stated that anyone who encouraged inappropriate gender mixing was an unbeliever and could be killed. Al-Barrak has a track record of extremist fatwas, but is a much more widely known and credible figure in the Saudi religious scene than al-Ahmad.

Al-Barrak's fatwa was met with a chorus of criticism in the Saudi press. Some speculate that the high profile given to extremists like al-Ahmad and al-Barrak is part of a subtle effort to discredit their point of view before the larger Saudi public. But it is interesting to note that only one member of the Committee of Higher Ulama publicly took al-Barrak to task. Moreover, over two dozen Saudi clerics and professors publicly supported his views. Unlike al-Shithri, al-Barrak has no official position from which to be fired. His personal website has been taken down, but other than that he has suffered no official sanction for a fatwa that can be construed as a call to violence against the ruling regime. This could be a wise bit of restraint on behalf of the authorities, an effort to minimize his importance by ignoring him. But it is clear that Saudi society -- both those for and those against his extreme views -- were not ignoring him.

It is no surprise that more liberal Saudis have taken on the religious extremists on women's issues in the Saudi press. The newer, and more interesting, element of this debate is the splits within the religious establishment that have emerged on women's issues. The director of the Mecca office of the Committee on the Promotion of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice, Ahmad bin Qasim al-Ghamdi, gave an interview in the fall of 2009 saying that there was nothing in Islam that prevents women and men from mixing in public places like offices and schools. He has kept himself in the news since then, repeating his unorthodox (for a Saudi religious official) views on gender issues. Ahmad bin Baz, the son of the former mufti (the highest religious authority in the country), has publicly said that those who support a more lenient view on gender mixing have legitimate Islamic law bases for their position.

While liberal voices in the Saudi media carry much of the debate on women's issues, any substantive change in Saudi policies on women's roles in society will be justified and explained by the government in terms of Islam. So the voices of change within the religious establishment on this question are the best indication that more change might be afoot. But the pushback from the religious establishment against the very modest steps taken so far indicates that change, if it comes at all, will come slowly.

F. Gregory Gause, III is professor of political science at the University of Vermont and the author of "The International Politics of the Persian Gulf" (Cambridge University Press, 2010).

http://mideast.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2010/04/19/saudi_arabia_the_second_sex_and_the_third_rail

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Somalia: Islamist impose new rules on farmers and women in Somalia

19 April 2010

Somaliweyn – Mohammed Omar Hussein

The rival armed Islamist faction of Hizbul-Islam has imposed new rules on the farmers and the women at Afgoi district in the lower shabelle region in southern Somalia.

The farmers in Afgoi district were banned not to drive their tractors and ploughs within the

district, and the women in the district were ordered to wear heavy thick veils, and not light ones.  

The faction of Hizbul-Islam has as well banned smokers to smoke within the town, and if the feel like smoking they should go to the outskirts of the town and do their enjoyments there.

Similarly the chewers of Khat a narcotic plant grown in Kenya were instructed to do their chewing in the outskirts of the town as well.

On the other hand Hizbul-Islam faction in Baladweyn town the headquarters of Hiran region in central Somalia, has imposed rules one the vehicles which arrive and departure from Baladweyn town.

This rules which were imposed on the vehicles are that the drivers should pay a certain amount of money which they said is for the renovation of the roads and streets within the region.

The administration of Hizbul-Islam has placed gigantic boards depicted with rough roads, and writing saying that drivers should abide by the instruction given.

http://www.somaliweyn.org/pages/news/Apr_10/19Apr15.html

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"American Daughters: Reflections On Being Muslim in America" Panel Discussion at Ann Arbor District Library Thursday

Apr 20, 2010

Following Michigan Radio's week-long series on being Muslim in America, the Ann Arbor District Library, in conjunction with the Interfaith Council for Peace and Justice and the University of Michigan Muslim Students Association, will be hosting a panel discussion about being a Muslim woman in America this Thursday, April 22, from 7:00-8:30 pm at the Downtown Ann Arbor District Library.

The panel of five women will discuss being Muslim in America from their own experiences and local perspectives. Discussion will center on the diversity of our community, how Muslims deal with the issues of multiculturalism, several tensions and barriers that exist in tackling this issue within the Muslim community as well as the broader community, and how these issues affect youth as well as adults. Discussion will follow.

The panel will feature Heather Laird, MPA, the Director for the Summer Arabic Institute and a Fellow for the Institute of Social Policy and Understanding (ISPU); Bayyinah Muhammad, ME; Stephanie Flower, ME; Mona Youseff, JD; Shirin Khan, MA & JD.

The Downtown branch of the Ann Arbor District Library is located at 343 S. Fifth Avenue in Ann Arbor. For more information on this event call the Library at 734-327-4555.

Frances Kai-Hwa Wang is a second-generation Chinese American from California who now divides her time between Ann Arbor and the Big Island of Hawaii. She is editor of IMDiversity.com Asian American Village, lead multicultural contributor for AnnArbor.com, and a contributor for New America Media's Ethnoblog. She is a popular speaker on Asian Pacific American and multicultural issues. Check out her website at franceskaihwawang.com, her blog at franceskaihwawang.blogspot.com, and she can be reached at fkwang888@gmail.com.

www.annarbor.com/passions-pursuits/american-daughters-reflections-on-being-muslim-in-america-panel-discussion-at-ann-arbor-district-lib/

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Canadians demonstrate against niqab-ban legislation

Bikya Masr Staff

20 April 2010

Scores of Canadians took to the streets outside Montreal's City Hall on Saturday to protest against a proposed government bill that would require female public employees, education and health workers to have their faces uncovered at all times. The demonstrators said the proposed legislation reflects "cultural xenophobia" and has "no place in Quebec society."

The law would also apply to anyone seeking government services. Saturday's protest, organized by a group calling itself "Kill Bill 94," lasted for some two hours and drew representatives from the South Asian Women's Association, Jewish organizations and Montreal's Anglican diocese. According to reports, around 150 people participated in the demonstration.

Canada is the most recent Western country to look into banning the niqab – the full-face covering that a tiny percentage of Muslim women wear. In Europe, the battle has been most tense, with France beginning the controversy after President Nicolas Sarkozy said the veil was "backward" and called on Parliament to issue a full ban on the clothing worn by less than 2,000 women in France.

Belgium earlier this month passed through a Parliamentary committee a proposal that would make it the first nation to officially ban the niqab from the streets. It has left outrage among Muslims and human rights groups across Europe and the world.

Full report at: http://bikyamasr.com/?p=11770

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Ukip claims Muslim women back burqa ban

20th Apr 2010

The leader of the UK Independence Party has said "quite a lot" of Muslim women support a ban on the burqa.

Lord Pearson told Jon Sopel on the BBC Campaign Show that the women "can't be discovered" voting for Ukip "by their menfolk under Sharia law".

The party's manifesto promises to "tackle extremist Islam by banning the burqa or veiled niqab in public buildings and certain private buildings".

A policy document on the Ukip website explains that "people will be required to have uncovered faces in all public buildings and premises" and "private organisations, businesses, and institutions will be given the option of imposing the same rule, that faces must be uncovered, in their buildings, premises and conveyances".

Lord Pearson also defended his party's view that building societies and banks should self-regulate themselves responsibly in the future without government interference in order to avoid a future repeat of the current recession.

"The cowboy type activities which we've seen which should clearly be in a separate category and we wouldn't see the building societies and the high street banks in that category at all," he said.

Full report at: www.epolitix.com/latestnews/article-detail/newsarticle/ukip-claims-muslim-women-back-burqa-ban

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Fundamentalism inYemeni-woman related legislation

By: Shuaib M. al-Mosawa

Apr 18, 2010

During the past two decades of Yemen's unity, the Yemeni woman has been oscillating between the quota and the Bait al-Ta'ah- Obedience House. Although some consider that Yemeni unity is a move towards and a victory for the woman's issue, others think that there is regression either in the practical or legislative sphere and see that of the Yemeni set of laws and legislation, some still provide a basis for discrimination and do not make progress towards the civil plan of the democratic Yemen. Of those is the writer, intellectual, and researcher, Ahmed al-Hasani whom Yemen Observer met to find out some aspects of the regression that the Yemeni woman witnesses.

Yemen Observer: When you talk about regression in the Yemeni woman issue, can we conclude that the situation of the pre-unity woman was better?

Al-Hasani: Generalization is inaccurate. However, if you say that the proportion of discrimination against women under the unity state is higher than that of what was known as the Democratic Yemeni Republic, I would say yes.

YO: Under the totalitarian rule?

Al-Hasani: I am talking about equality. The woman under the totalitarian regime was deprived of many of her political rights, the same as the man was.

YO: So, you think that equality of injustice is fair, don't you?

Al-Hasani: No, equality of injustice is injustice, but injustice was not aimed at women because of their sex; it was the nature of the ruling system. The woman is better off in democracies as being the best picture of civilization. Discrimination against the woman is not a problem of a ruling system as it is of primitiveness and civilization. There have been examples in the human history where the woman was on top of the power pyramid under authoritarian regimes, of whom were Isabella in Aspin, Cleopatra in Egypt, Catherine in Russia, and Balqis in Yemen.

Full report at: http://www.yobserver.com/reports/10018536.html

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Iranian women show passion for beauty

By Maryam Sinaiee

April 17. 2010

TEHRAN // Iranians are the seventh largest consumers of cosmetics in the world, a study has found, despite the disapproval of much of the country's officialdom and religious establishment.

The study by TMBA, a private Iranian market research company, published in Faslnameh Tose'e Mohandesi Bazar (The Marketing Magazine) this month, found that the Islamic republic is the second largest cosmetics market in the Middle East after Saudi Arabia, accounting for 29 per cent of the region's cosmetics consumption.

It shows that women aged between 15 and 45 living in six major Iranian cities spend an average of US$12 per month on beauty products.

"I've always had an obsession with cosmetics and spend between one and one and a half million rials (Dh372-Dh560) – about one-fifth of my monthly salary – on things like lipsticks, nail polishes and perfumes," said Solmaz Nabilou, 27, an office worker. "I'm not the only one spending so much to become more beautiful. Beauticians who charge over 10,000,000 rials for wedding night make-up are not few, at least here in Tehran."

Iranians, especially those belonging to the middle and upper classes, attach great importance to appearance, and cosmetic surgery, such as nose jobs and cheek and chin lifting, are popular among Iranian women. Iran in fact has become known as one of the nose-job capitals of the world.

Full report at: www.thenational.ae/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/20100418/FOREIGN/704179954/1002/NEWS

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On Quebec's Decision to Ban the Muslim Niqab

by Ghada Al Atrash Janbey

April 17th, 2010

One of the most frustrating battles I have had to fight as an Arab woman living in the West is that of breaking down the pervasive Western stereotypes of Arab women. Indeed, it is a most difficult task to decode that which has been encoded in Western minds for centuries on the East (or the Orient as per Edward Said's words), and to counterpart the misconceptions with a true existing representation of a changing, progressive modern-day reality, one characteristic of Arab women standing defiant to oppression and to any practices that may bring about gender bias and inequality.

However, all progress is decelerated when an incident as the recent one in Quebec takes place where a Muslim woman demands her right to wearing the niqab (a Muslim headwear which covers the whole head leaving only the eyes exposed)!

Last Wednesday, March 25, Quebec legislation tabled the decision mandating that all Muslim women and others will have to uncover their concealed faces when dealing with Quebec government services. The bill dictates that anyone obtaining, or delivering, services at places like the provincial health or auto-insurance boards will need to do so with their faces uncovered. The legislation also states that face coverings will not be tolerated if they hinder communication or visual identification.

Full report at: dissidentvoice.org/2010/04/on-quebec%E2%80%99s-decision-to-ban-the-muslim-niqab/

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Girl banned from school for wearing hijab

Saturday, April 17, 2010

A 16-year-old schoolgirl has been banned from classes in Spain after refusing to remove her Islamic headscarf, re-igniting the national debate over the hijab.

Najwa Malha, who was born is Spain to Moroccan immigrants, has been excluded from classes at the state-run Camilo Jose Cela School in the Madrid suburb of Pozuelo after being told that her hijab was in violation of school dress code.

The decision has sparked debate in Spain where there are no clear guidelines over the wearing of Islamic headdress in state schools.

The enforcement of dress codes is left up to individual school boards but previous cases of exclusion have been overturned by the state with the argument that the constitutional right to an educational overrides the school's right to determine its own policies.

"I feel totally discriminated against," said Miss Malha stating that she began wearing the hijab two months ago as an expression of her religious belief.

Her father, Mohamed, told Spanish newspaper El Pais that he had originally objected to his daughter wearing the hijab to school.

"I asked her to reconsider [...] because I figured it would cause her problems," he said.

Last November, a Muslim lawyer was ejected from Spain's national court, where she was defending a client, because she refused to remove her headscarf.

http://www.ummid.com/news/2010/April/17.04.2010/girl_banned_from_school_bcos_of_hijab.htm

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Crowd protests Quebec niqab ban

Montreal Gazette

APRIL 17, 2010

MONTREAL — About 120 people turned up Saturday afternoon outside Montreal City Hall to express their opposition to Bill 94, saying the legislation reflects cultural xenophobia and has no place in Quebec society.

The legislation, which would predominantly affect women who wear the Islamic niqab or burka, would require public employees, education and health workers to have their faces uncovered at all times.

The law would also apply to anyone seeking government services. Saturday's protest, organized by a group calling itself simply "Kill Bill 94," lasted for about two hours and drew representatives from the South Asian Women's Association, Jewish organizations and Montreal's Anglican diocese.

http://www.montrealgazette.com/life/Crowd+protests+Quebec+niqab/2920476/story.html

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Veil of tears for expelled student

By Katherine Wilton

April 18, 2010

Last month, Quebec Immigration Minister Yolande James announced Muslim women enrolled in government-sponsored French courses would have to remove their niqabs to attend classes.

Three days later, two Immigration Department officials turned up at a Montreal-area centre that offers the free French classes and told an Indian immigrant she would have to follow the rules or would have to leave her class.

Unwilling to remove the Islamic face veil, the distraught 25-year-old woman left the centre in tears.

"She was one of the best students, she wants to learn French, she participated in class and worked with men," said Joanie Lavoie, co-ordinator of the centre in the west end of Montreal Island, which offers French courses to help immigrants integrate into Quebec society.

The student is the second niqab-wearing Muslim woman to be forced out of her French class after refusing to remove her face veil.

Lavoie said her student should have been given more time to think about removing her niqab before being asked to leave class. She also said government officials should have given the centre time to prepare the student for the meeting.

Full report at: www.edmontonjournal.com/life/Veil+tears+expelled+student/2921219/story.html

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Islam and Muslim women's social roles

By Maulana Waris Mazhari,

(Translated from Urdu by Yoginder Sikand)

20 April 2010

The issue of Muslim women's freedom is a much-debated subject today. The traditional ulema and the modern educated Muslim intelligentsia appear to be completely at loggerheads on the issue. The former insist that women must be controlled as much as possible in order to protect Muslim society from immorality and sexual licentiousness, and that they must remain confined to their homes. They believe that women must play no social roles outside the domestic sphere whatsoever. If women are permitted to do so, they argue, it would open to floodgates of chaos and lead to a breakdown of society. On the other hand, the modern-educated Muslim intelligentsia is in favour of expanding women's roles outside the narrow domestic sphere, and many of them go so far as to consider the hijab or modest dress for women as a symbol of oppression.

The female personality, it must be admitted, is extremely sensitive. On women the character of a society depends as much as it does on men. It must also be admitted that the attitude of Muslim religious circles towards women and women's issues is influenced less by Islam and shariah norms than by other factors, among these being a marked reaction to the perceived widespread immorality in the West as a result of the free intermingling of sexes in Western societies. While in the West women have made important gains in several respects, it cannot be denied that in the name of women's liberation and freedom they have been turned into sexual beings and commodities. This unfortunate phenomenon has led to a reaction among the ulema, leading them to insist on the control of women and on confining them to the domestic sphere as a defence mechanism for fear of Muslim society also falling prey to the same social ills that today plague the West. This stance may have had some temporary benefits, but it has caused a tragic loss to the Muslim community by denying half its population—Muslim women—the opportunity to develop and put to proper use their talents, skills and capacities.

Full report at: twocircles.net/2010apr20/islam_and_muslim_women_s_social_roles.html

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The person behind the veil: Women who wear the niqab in Canada have been caricatured at worst, misunderstood at best

By Hajera Khaja

April 20, 2010

A bleak picture has been painted of the niqab in our secular society -- it must be that the women donning them are oppressed and forced to subject to the will of their fundamentalist husbands. Even if it is an independent choice, the mere act of covering one's face is said to fly in the face of all that Canada stands for.

Many words on both sides of the spectrum have been written in consideration of Quebec's Bill 94, which proposes a ban on the niqab for public employees and those seeking services from the government or government-funded institutions in Quebec.

The bill has been applauded by Conservative and Liberal leaders alike, and along with them, 80 per cent of Canadians are rooting for Quebec.

In the balance hangs the fate of the women who wear the face veil, who will effectively have been slapped with a restraining order once the bill passes -- remove the face veil or remove yourself from society. Seems like a divorce is in order in the marriage of secularism and religious freedom.

Thankfully, there are a few who see the bill for the affront that it is to democratic values. We struggle, though, to hear their reasoned voices above the cacophony of vitriol that dominates this discourse.

The marriage between the niqab and secularism is performed in the witness of democracy.

Equality of the sexes dictates that a woman wearing a face veil is treated the same as a Sikh man wearing a turban, a Jewish man wearing a skull cap, or any Average Joe wearing a baseball cap.

Full report at: http://www.ottawacitizen.com/life/person+behind+veil/2927253/story.html

 

URL: http://www.newageislam.com/NewAgeIslamIslamWomenAndFeminism_1.aspx?ArticleID=2728



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Asadullah Syed

Kerala: Terror’s Own Country


Current affairs
20 Apr 2010, NewAgeIslam.Com
Kerala: Terror's Own Country

By VR Jayaraj

Islamist terror in Kerala has connections with several former Naxalites who are now in the business of rights protection and promotion. Moreover, the fact that more than 75 per cent of all the terror accused and suspects in the country are from the State is enough to earn Kerala the terror hub tag 

Terror, in the current sense of the term, has been lying in hibernation in Kerala from early-1990s but authorities failed to identify it. They are paying the price now. The first sign of God's Own Country's plunge into terror culture was seen when Islamist leader Abdul Nasser Madani's Islamic Sewak Sangh aroused curiosity and awe with strange-liveried "volunteers" guarding programme venues with a command force's alertness and pride. Even then the bosses of the so-called secular parties tended to underestimate the obvious, saying that nobody could shatter God's Own Country's communal harmony and love for peace. After almost two decades, they are now beginning to understand —though without much conviction — that had been wrong. As some kind of Kerala links are seen with several national and international jihadi terror plot in the recent times, the police and political leaders are forced to admit that Kerala, after all, need not be the secular paradise of peace they once thought it was.

Terror of another kind has been there in Kerala since the end-1960s and this was directly related to the Spring Thunder in the distant hills of Naxalbari in West Bengal when hardliner communists believed that China's chairman Mao Tse Tung was 'our chairman'. It was the time when Kerala Naxalites were in the fast embrace of the theory of annihilation of class enemies and the result was bone-freezing terror as they decapitated "feudalists" when in fact there was nobody in the State to fit the definition of the term. The annihilation theory stayed on with them till 1980 when the last Naxalite-sponsored murder took place in Kenichira in the hilly Wayanad region. By then the Naxalites had begun to split into groups with serious ideological differences and the outcome is that some of the fiercest campaigners of annihilation are now famous apostles of parliamentary democracy. The tragedy is that these men and women do not have a justification to offer to the descendants of Narayanan Nair of Kongad in Palakkad and Mathai in Kenichira who were killed for the sake of the chimerical revolution. With that history smeared in blood in the background, Kerala is now becoming a host of Maoists from the Red corridor who look for rest, rejuvenation and resource mobilisation.

This background of Communist terror is behind the tendency of the remnants of the 'Naxalite saga' to help their ideological brethren from Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Dakshina Kannada (erstwhile South Canara) and elsewhere. Intelligence agencies reported in the beginning of March that Maoists from the Red corridor had been collecting arms, ammunitions and explosives from Kerala using their local contacts, who obviously were the old-time worshippers of Naxalite guru Charu Mazumdar. It was found that the Red terrorists had collected country-made guns from Thrissur and Palakkad districts, known once for the proliferation of Naxalites, and explosives from central Kerala where Maoist guerrillas were known to be on under-cover operation in the guise of migrant workers in granite quarries and brick manufacturing units. Mallaraja Reddy, a dreaded Maoist from Andhra Pradesh was arrested from Angamaly in central Kerala in December, 2007 when he was on a 'mission' in the State. It was then proved that his local aides were some Naxalites who had turned rights activists.

But more shocking was the revelation by two Maoists caught by the Gujarat Police. According to them, some guerrilla combat gurus from the New People's Army of the Communist Party of Philippines had imparted month-long weapons training to Maoists from several parts of India in some Kerala jungle. The recruits, numbering over 25, included the two under custody and Adivasi and Dalit activists. The strange thing is that the Kerala Police, ruled by Home Minister Kodiyeri Balakrishnan, a member of the CPI(M) Polit Bureau, is yet to wake up to the seriousness of reported incursion by foreign guerrillas into the State for subversive activities. Shocks do not end there. Last week, the Central Intelligence Bureau found that about a dozen hardcore Maoists from the Dakshina Kannada region entered into Kerala territory through the northern jungle borders on a 'mission' which was yet to be identified. The group, including some six women extremists, had escaped to Kerala after an encounter with the Karnataka Police near Udupi. As usual, there was no confirmation or denial from the Kerala Police but they have at least started efforts to step up reconnaissance along the borders. 

The other side of terror — jihad —is far more serious and extensive in God's Own Country and bosses of the so-called secular parties are partly to blame for its growth. That the Congress-led UDF and CPI(M)-led LDF had unanimously passed a resolution in the State Assembly demanding release of Madani in 2006 from the Coimbatore prison where he was lodged in the Coimbatore blasts case was a typical example of this. The more interesting aspect of Islamist terror in Kerala is that it has connections with several former Naxalites who are now in the business of rights protection and promotion, Dalit outfits who crave for just social recognition and a good life — but through the wrong paths — and several other groupings. Though jihadi terror has been reality in God's Own Country since the start of the 1990s, the first major act was seen on September 9, 2005 when a group headed by LeT's south India commander Thadiyantavide Nazeer, accused in several terror cases including the Bangalore blasts of 2008, set a Tamil Nadu bus on fire to expedite the release of Madani. Madani's wife Sufiya, who had enjoyed opportunities of meeting almost all top leaders, including even the country's then Home Minister Shivraj Patil, is 10th accused in this case.

That was just the start. On March 3, 2006, Nazeer and his men carried out two simultaneous blasts in Kozhikode city, which, according to sleuths, were part of a "dry run" for the Bangalore blasts. On August 15, 2006, a group of SIMI activists held a secret meeting at Panayikkulam near Kochi, which is now seen as the launch-pad of the Indian Mujahideen-sponsored terror strikes in the country. In December, 2007, SIMI held a full-fledged training camp among the temperate hills of Vagamon in Idukki district and this was the practical springboard of several LeT terror acts that shocked the nation. All this while, religious classes and Twareeqat camps were going on with the main mission being recruitment of young men into LeT. In October 2008, four jihadis from Kerala were killed by security forces in Kupwara sector, Kashmir when they were trying to cross over to Pakistan for advanced terror training. The biggest of the shocks with regard to jihadi operation in Kerala was the revelation that Tahawwur Hussain Rana had held an extensive tour of Kochi prior to 26/11 and that he had got local help for this. All these events gave Kerala a prominent — if not the central — spot on the jihadi terror map of India. More than 75 per cent of all the terror-accused and suspects in the country are from Kerala. That much for the myth of God's Own Country's enduring religious harmony and sociology of peace.

Source: The Daily Pioneer, New Delhi

URL: http://www.newageislam.com/NewAgeIslamCurrentAffairs_1.aspx?ArticleID=2727


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Asadullah Syed

How Team Obama is reaching out to Muslims in US

Islam and the West
20 Apr 2010, NewAgeIslam.Com
How Team Obama is reaching out to Muslims in US

Andrea Elliott

April 19, 2010

When President Barack Obama took the stage in Cairo last June, promising a new relationship with the Islamic world, Muslims in America wondered only half-jokingly whether the overture included them. After all, Obama had kept his distance during the campaign, never visiting an American mosque and describing the false claim that he was Muslim as a "smear" on his Web site.

Nearly a year later, Obama has yet to set foot in an American mosque. And he still has not met with Muslim and Arab-American leaders. But less publicly, his administration has reached out to this politically isolated constituency in a sustained and widening effort that has left even skeptics surprised.

Muslim and Arab-American advocates have participated in policy discussions and received briefings from top White House aides and other officials on health care legislation, foreign policy, the economy, immigration and national security. They have met privately with a senior White House adviser, Valerie Jarrett, Homeland Security Secretary Janet Napolitano and Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr. to discuss civil liberties concerns and counterterrorism strategy.

The impact of this continuing dialogue is difficult to measure, but White House officials cited several recent government actions that were influenced, in part, by the discussions. The meeting with Napolitano was among many factors that contributed to the government's decision this month to end a policy subjecting passengers from 14 countries, most of them Muslim, to additional scrutiny at airports, the officials said.

That emergency directive, enacted after a failed Dec. 25 bombing plot, has been replaced with a new set of intelligence-based protocols that law enforcement officials consider more effective.

Also this month, Tariq Ramadan, a prominent Muslim academic, visited the United States for the first time in six years after Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton reversed a decision by the Bush administration, which had barred Ramadan from entering the country, initially citing the USA Patriot Act. Clinton also cleared the way for another well-known Muslim professor, Adam Habib, who had been denied entry under similar circumstances.

Arab-American and Muslim leaders said they had yet to see substantive changes on a variety of issues, including what they describe as excessive airport screening, policies that have chilled Muslim charitable giving and invasive FBI surveillance guidelines. But they are encouraged by the extent of their consultation by the White House and governmental agencies.

"For the first time in eight years, we have the opportunity to meet, engage, discuss, disagree, but have an impact on policy," said James Zogby, president of the Arab American Institute in Washington. "We're being made to feel a part of that process and that there is somebody listening."

In the post-9/11 era, Muslims and Arab-Americans have posed something of a conundrum for the government: they are seen as a political liability but also, increasingly, as an important partner in countering the threat of homegrown terrorism. Under President George W. Bush, leaders of these groups met with government representatives from time to time, but said they had limited interaction with senior officials. While Obama has yet to hold the kind of high-profile meeting that Muslims and Arab-Americans seek, there is a consensus among his policymakers that engagement is no longer optional.

The administration's approach has been understated. Many meetings have been private; others were publicized only after the fact. A visit to New York University in February by John O. Brennan, Obama's chief counterterrorism adviser, drew little news coverage, but caused a stir among Muslims around the country. Speaking to Muslim students, activists and others, Brennan acknowledged many of their grievances, including "surveillance that has been excessive," "over inclusive no-fly lists" and "an unhelpful atmosphere around many Muslim charities."

"These are challenges we face together as Americans," said Brennan, who momentarily showed off his Arabic to hearty applause. He and other officials have made a point of disassociating Islam from terrorism in public comments, using the phrase "violent extremism" in place of words like "jihad" and "Islamic terrorism."

While the administration's solicitation of Muslims and Arab-Americans has drawn little fanfare, it has not escaped criticism. A small but vocal group of research analysts, bloggers and others complain that the government is reaching out to Muslim leaders and organizations with an Islamist agenda or ties to extremist groups abroad.

They point out that Jarrett gave the keynote address at the annual convention for the Islamic Society of North America. The group was listed as an unindicted co-conspirator in a federal case against the Holy Land Foundation for Relief and Development, a Texas-based charity whose leaders were convicted in 2008 of funneling money to Hamas. The society denies any links to terrorism.

"I think dialogue is good, but it has to be with genuine moderates," said Steven Emerson, a terrorism analyst who advises government officials. "These are the wrong groups to legitimize." Emerson and others have also objected to the political appointments of several American Muslims, including Rashad Hussain.

In February, the president chose Hussain, a 31-year-old White House lawyer, to become the United States' special envoy to the Organization of the Islamic Conference. The position, a kind of ambassador at large to Muslim countries, was created by Bush. In a video address, Obama highlighted Hussain's status as a "close and trusted member of my White House staff" and "a hafiz," a person who has memorized the Quran.

Within days of the announcement, news reports surfaced about comments Hussain had made on a panel in 2004, while he was a student at Yale Law School, in which he referred to several domestic terrorism prosecutions as "politically motivated." Among the cases he criticized was that of Sami Al-Arian, a former computer-science professor in Florida who pleaded guilty to aiding members of a Palestinian terrorist group.

At first, the White House said Hussain did not recall making the comments, which had been removed from the Web version of a 2004 article published by a small Washington magazine. When Politico obtained a recording of the panel, Hussain acknowledged criticizing the prosecutions but said he believed the magazine quoted him inaccurately, prompting him to ask its editor to remove the comments. On Feb. 22, The Washington Examiner ran an editorial with the headline "Obama Selects a Voice of Radical Islam."

Muslim leaders watched carefully as the story migrated to Fox News. They had grown accustomed to close scrutiny, many said in interviews, but were nonetheless surprised. In 2008, Hussain had co-authored a paper for the Brookings Institution arguing that the government should use the peaceful teachings of Islam to fight terrorism.

"Rashad Hussain is about as squeaky clean as you get," said Rep. Keith Ellison, D-Minn., who is Muslim. Ellison and others wondered whether the administration would buckle under the pressure and were relieved when the White House press secretary, Robert Gibbs, defended Hussain.

"The fact that the president and the administration have appointed Muslims to positions and have stood by them when they've been attacked is the best we can hope for," said Ingrid Mattson, president of the Islamic Society of North America.

It was notably different during Obama's run for office. In June 2008, volunteers of his campaign barred two Muslim women in headscarves from appearing behind Obama at a rally in Detroit, eliciting widespread criticism. The campaign promptly recruited Mazen Asbahi, a 36-year-old corporate lawyer and popular Muslim activist from Chicago, to become its liaison to Muslims and Arab-Americans.

Bloggers began researching Asbahi's background. For a brief time in 2000, he had sat on the board of an Islamic investment fund, along with Sheikh Jamal Said, a Chicago imam who was later named as an unindicted co-conspirator in the Holy Land case. Asbahi said in an interview that he had left the board after three weeks because he wanted no association with the imam.

Shortly after his appointment to the Obama campaign, Asbahi said, a Wall Street Journal reporter began asking questions about his connection to the imam. Campaign officials became concerned that news coverage would give critics ammunition to try to link the imam to Obama, Asbahi recalled. On their recommendation, Asbahi agreed to resign from the campaign, he said.

He is still unsettled by the power of his detractors. "To be in the midst of this campaign of change and hope and to have it stripped away over nothing," he said. "It hurts."

From the moment Obama took office, he seemed eager to change the tenor of America's relationship with Muslims worldwide. He gave his first interview to Al Arabiya, the Arabic-language television station based in Dubai. Muslims cautiously welcomed his ban on torture and his pledge to close Guantanamo within a year.

In his Cairo address, he laid out his vision for "a new beginning" with Muslims: while America would continue to fight terrorism, he said, terrorism would no longer define America's approach to Muslims.

Back at home, Muslim and Arab-American leaders remained skeptical. But they took note when, a few weeks later, Mohamed Magid, a prominent imam from Sterling, Va., and Rami Nashashibi, a Muslim activist from Chicago, joined the president at a White-House meeting about fatherhood. Also that month, Dr. Faisal Qazi, a board member of American Muslim Health Professionals, began meeting with administration officials to discuss health care reform.

The invitations were aimed at expanding the government's relationship with Muslims and Arab-Americans to areas beyond security, said Hussain, the White House's special envoy. Hussain began advising the president on issues related to Islam after joining the White House counsel's office in January 2009. He helped draft Obama's Cairo speech and accompanied him on the trip. "The president realizes that you cannot engage one-fourth of the world's population based on the erroneous beliefs of a fringe few," Hussain said.

Other government offices followed the lead of the White House. In October, Commerce Secretary Gary Locke met with Arab-Americans and Muslims in Dearborn, Mich., to discuss challenges facing small-business owners. Also last fall, Farah Pandith was sworn in as the State Department's first special representative to Muslim communities. While Pandith works mostly with Muslims abroad, she said she had also consulted with American Muslims because Clinton believes "they can add value overseas."

Despite this, American actions abroad - including civilian deaths from drone strikes in Pakistan and the failure to close Guantanamo - have drawn the anger of Muslims and Arab-Americans.

Even though their involvement with the administration has broadened, they leaders remain most concerned about security-related policies. In January, when the Department of Homeland Security hosted a two-day meeting with Muslim, Arab-American, South Asian and Sikh leaders, the group expressed concern about the emergency directive subjecting passengers from a group of Muslim countries to additional screening.

Farhana Khera, executive director of Muslim Advocates, pointed out that the policy would never have caught the attempted shoe-bomber Richard Reid, who is British. "It almost sends the signal that the government is going to treat nationals of powerless countries differently from countries that are powerful," Khera recalled saying as community leaders around the table nodded their heads.

Napolitano, who sat with the group for more than an hour, committed to meeting with them more frequently. Khera said she left feeling somewhat hopeful.

"I think our message is finally starting to get through," she said.

Source: NDTV, New Delhi

URL http://www.newageislam.com/NewAgeIslamIslamAndWest_1.aspx?ArticleID=2726



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Asadullah Syed